On June 29th, the Manitoba Law Reform Commission issued its final report on its study of the use of non-disclosure agreements in the settlement of misconduct claims. The Commission “strongly recommended” that legislation governing the the content and use of NDAs in claims of misconduct should not be enacted in Manitoba at this time because such legislation “could cause serious, unintended consequences and negatively impact complainants.”
The Commission is established under a Manitoba statute to “inquire into and consider any matter relating to law in Manitoba with a view to making recommendations for the improvement, modernization and reform of law.” The Commission is currently comprised of two judges, two law professors and three practitioners, five of whom are female. It reached its conclusion after issuing a consultation paper last year and engaging in public consultation.
The Commission acknowledged that the issue is complex and subject to divergent views. It concluded that the model of legislation first implemented in Prince Edward Island and now reflected in numerous Canadian bills amounts to a virtual prohibition on the use of NDAs. The Prince Edward Island Non Disclosure Agreements Act, for example, deems an NDA to be unenforceable if it adversely affects the health and safety of a third-party or the public interest, a provision a reform advocate argued to the Commission rendered all NDAs unenforceable. Likewise, the Commission concluded that a requirement that permits survivors to walk away from a previously agreed to undertaking of confidentiality would preclude the use of NDAs altogether.
This effective ban, according to the Commission, goes too far given NDAs can serve the public interest and the interests of survivors. It underscored its position by presenting a lengthy quote from a childhood sexual abuse survivor, a quote also worthy of including here in full:
Given my past, I tend to focus first on the victim, on what’s best for the victim. That focus is so absolute that the only possible submission I could make here is that NDAs in these circumstances must be eliminated, right?
Wrong.
Because even though I live daily with my experience as a victim of the worst serial sexual abuse imaginable, I can’t shut down the other part of me that knows that I benefitted from an arrangement that involved an NDA that may not have been possible had there been a law preventing an NDA in my circumstances.
In short, there is no right answer, for as strong as all of the reasons why NDAs can be harmful and dangerous for victims are, things just might end up even worse for victims if NDAs are not allowed in these circumstances.
My submission would undoubtedly be different if we lived in a world where as much money and other resources is dedicated to rehabilitating victims as is made available for incarcerating and attempting to rehabilitate those who commit the crimes against these victims. But we don’t live in that world. Things are getting better, but we still don’t focus enough on making sure victims are rehabilitated. That can leave a victim desperate for whatever help and support he or she can get, financial or otherwise.
Unfortunately, NDAs are one side of a commercial transaction. It’s ugly to think of them that way, but that’s what is most often taking place. Silence is being traded for money. It’s awful, it’s disgusting. But it’s the reality. And, it’s an undeniable fact that without an NDA and the corresponding secrecy parties would have less incentive to enter into agreements with victims.
As bad as being constrained by an NDA might be, it isn’t for me to ever say that a victim would be better off being free from that burden if it meant having to give up a financial settlement that could possibly provide life-sustaining support. The unfortunate reality is that there would be fewer settlements available for victims if NDAs were not permitted in these instances.
I know what I want to write. I know what people want to hear from a victim like me. I want to be able to write that NDAs in these circumstances are reprehensible and should be precluded. And they are reprehensible. But just because they are reprehensible doesn’t mean that the alternative wouldn’t be worse. Eliminating NDAs would skew incentives in a way that would likely have an even worse impact on victims. And, I don’t think there is any meaningful way to legislate a way out of this basic conundrum.
We want to do good things, we want to better our world. We are angry that bad things happen to good people, that bad people get away with bad things. We want to change that. We are motivated for all of the right reasons. So we try to do something, anything, to try to make things better. NDAs seem bad, they feel bad, so they must be bad, we must enact a new law precluding them or limiting them.
But NDAs can facilitate what a victim needs. NDAs, as abhorrent as they may be, actually develop out of a process that tries to make things better for the victim. So I urge caution before any steps are taken that would potentially interfere with this unpalatable yet important part of our legal system involving victims.
Currently, aside from PEI, Ontario has enacted legislation meant to protect students at post-secondary educational instructions. There is now a broader private members bill at first reading in Ontario and bills before the legislatures British Columbia and Nova Scotia and before Federal Parliament. The Commission’s report is important because it features a view that is not popular and very difficult to convey, though it also raises a critical concern about the clear legislative trend.